Council Rooms,
Bell's Temperance Hotel,
68 Trongate, Glasgow
1 March 1859
Honorable Sir
The Council of United Trades in
Glasgow have delayed to
acknowledge your answer of date
9th November, to the Memorial
adopted at the Public Meeting on Emigration, in the City Hall,
on
16th September last, which answer was conveyed through Mr.
Robert Dalglish, our respected Member.
This delay has arisen from several causes: one of which
was the hope that Trade would revive, and that Employment or Work
and Wages, would be plentiful, and that the necessity of applying
for the intervention of Government on behalf of the Unemployed would
be removed.
The Council are sorry to be obliged to state, that while, in
the Weaving Department, and Branches dependent thereon, trade
is better, there are still several thousands of working men in
Glasgow and its neighbourhood out of employment, and who have
been so six, seven, eight, and twelve months, even longer, and who,
in consequence, along with their wives and children, are suffering
severe privations and distress, bordering, indeed, on actual starvation.
This statement is no exaggeration. It unfortunately is too true.
The Council believe you are sincere in the expression of your
sympathy with the sufferings of the Unemployed. But something
substantial, some relic of a practical kind adequate to the
exigencies of the case, is required; and the Council would earnestly
but respectfully entreat you, and the other Members of Her Majesty's
Government, again to consider whether aid in the way of Emigrations
and Colonisation may not be extended to them.
Grant, as you say, that the Management of the Crown Lands in the
Colonies is entrusted to the several Colonial Governments, any one,
or all of those Governments—Australia, New Zealand, the Cape, Canada,
or other British North American Colonies—would, the Council believe,
be glad to comply with any suggestion or recommendation of the
Imperial Government to assist such of the Unemployed, as would be
willing to avail themselves of their assistance, by emigrating, either
for the purpose of working to others after arrival in the Colonies,
or of settling on lands that might be granted to them, and cultivating
those lands according to their several means and capabilities.
But there is the new Colony of
British Columbia—purely a Crown
Colony (also
Vancouver's Island and the
Red River territory, betwixt
Lake Superior and the
Rocky Mountains, at present in the hands of the
Hudson's Bay Company; but possession of which may be resumed by the
Crown in the course of the present Session of Parliament). Surely it
cannot be said, the rights of any third party interpose with regard to
those territories; or that Her Majesty's Government may not grant
portions for the settlement of a body or bodies of the Unemployed who
wish to emigrate, or may not assist them to go thither and settle
thereon. If associations of private individuals, with comparatively
limited means, have planted, within the last twenty years, the six
settlements of New Zealand, the Colonies of South Australia, Victoria,
and Port-Natal—all of which are prosperous communities—surely such
a slur will never be cast on the British Government, as to say, that,
with the prodigious power and resources it may command, it is impotent
for like purposes; or, for making Emigration and Colonisation subservient
to a great work of beneficence and practical Christianity—the raising
an Unemployed, poverty-stricken, and desponding body of
fellow-citizens to a condition of active industry and hopefulness,
every stroke of their axes, and every spadeful of earth they turn,
advancing them on the road to comfort and independence.
The Council cannot believe Her Majesty's Government hearken to
those Capitalists and Employers who oppose Emigration, because it
serves to make labour scarce, and who desire always a surplus or
glut of hands in order to have a command of "cheap labour."
If there be no question, and there can be no question, as to
the POWER of Government, is it the want of WILL? And why should
there be a want of Will in such a case? Did not the cry proceed from
four thousand men assembled in the City Hall? Is it a fictious or
disloyal measure they propose? Or, is it not, on the other hand,
thoroughly constitutional and consistent with enlightened policy?
And has it not been approved of and supported by many of our most
enlightened publicists and legislators? And also by the Press,
with some exceptions. Or, is the MODE by which the Power of Government
shall be exercised? If so, as the materials for successful
Colonisation exist in abundance—land, labour, and capital, or LAND,
MEN, and MONEY—and as Government has the land, while the men are
here, the Council apprehend, if the land be granted, that there will
be no difficulty in Government finding the money, wherewith to
carry out an effective scheme for the deliverance of the Unemployed.
I have etc.
In name of the Council of United Trades
Andrew Cumming
Secretary
Minutes by CO staff
Mr Elliot
You will wish to deal with this. See C.O. L
r of
10
Novr to Home Office.
This is substantially a demand for two things, first a free
grant of lands in
B. Columbia to the unemployed operatives of
Glasgow, & secondly a grant of public money to convey them to
that Colony. The proper answers
to both are plain, but
unfortunately they rest on considerations of public policy
which it is not easy to condense into one or two sentences,
or to convey in such a manner as shall be satisfactory to
persons who only represent a partial interest and deal with a
special emergency.
By the concurrent opinion of all authors who have
inquired into the subject, of all statesmen who have investigated
it through Parliamentary Committees, by extensive trial of the
plan in every part of the World and by the general voice of
Communities which have occupied new Countries, the course of
making free grants of land has been condemned. They are found
to be worthless to the individuals who receive them, and pernicious
to the society in which they are made.
Next comes the question of giving a passage to the Colonies
at the expense of the British revenue. This also has been again
and again explored, debated, and submitted to the test of
experiment, but the result has been to reject the plan. It might
be very convenient to the operatives of
Glasgow to get such
passages when they are unemployed, or (as is often the case when
demands of this kind are urged), when they are
dissatisfied with current wages
and disposed to strike for more. But why should
Glasgow have this benefit more than all the other Towns and
Cities of the Kingdom? Or if it be supposed, for arguments
sake, extended to all other Towns & Cities, why should operatives
have the benefit more than all other classes? No doubt there are
thousands whose fortunes would be made, so to speak, by deporting
them to Gold Colonies, but the whole community is not to be taxed
in order to make the fortunes of some of its members by gifts from
the common stock. This would be a scheme of taking away from
every body for the good of every body else.
The present are favorite and perhaps not unnatural demands
of democratic societies, and the time may come when they will be
strong enough to force them on the Legislature, but it will be
a day when the weak are robbed for the sake of the strong, and
when equal justice is no longer dispensed in England.
I think the only course will be very civilly and briefly,
but with firmness, to intimate the impossibility of complying with
the application.
Sir E. Lytton
I suppose that this must be the answer—though it s
d
be drawn up carefully & in civil terms?
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