I have gone very carefully through the Papers which relate
to the "grievances" of these two Colonies and ask for
Representative Institutions in the former case and a Reform
of Institutions in the latter.
I have purposely postponed the consideration of the
future Constitution of the
Govt of
British Columbia till
the present time, but in putting by from time to time the
papers as they came in it unfortunately escaped my notice
that they were thus left unacknowledged and I find that
three Memorials are thus neglected. I am sorry for what has
thus not unnaturally attracted the unfavorable notice of
the Colonists,
but it cannot now be helped.
Before considering what concessions shall be made to the
Memorialists in either Colony it is necessary to consider
whether the present system of governing them both by
different Institutions under one Governor shall be continued.
I think there are manifest objections to this plan in theory,
and practice has proved to be in conformity with theory.
I wish I could unite the two under one Governor and one
system of Political Institutions. I have no doubt that
the future progress and prosperity of the Colonies would
be much promoted by such a Union, but unluckily the
jealousies—I might almost say, hatreds—between the two
have become so great and such
opposition of interests have
been allowed to grow up that I believe it would be almost as
hopeless to attempt to amalgamate the two as it would be to
rejoin the Confederate with the Federal States and the act
of forcing them into a union would probably retard the time
for a willing and hearty junction on grounds of mutual
interests and a juster perception of the strength and safety
to which it would conduce. If then the attempt at complete
fusion is at present impossible, it is only keeping open
the existing rankling feuds to continue the form (without
any substance) of a half-union by means of having the same
Governor. If I could establish a Legislative union I
should
feel that I was accomplishing a good, but failing that I
see nothing but evil in continuing an Executive union—either
in whole or in part.
On the other hand I would studiously avoid any act
which should introduce fresh obstacles to the union. If I
cannot give as yet the
same Institutions to
British Columbia
as
Vancouvers Island possesses I would give nothing
at variance
with them but on the contrary such as may easily
be developed into the same when the progress of the Colony
fits its population for them. I would also name one of the
Officers "Governor in Chief" and the other "Lieut
t Governor"
pointing out to each Colony that this is in accordance with
the present practice in the Eastern States of British North
America and will not entail subordination in Administrative
Affairs, but will be found most conducive to joint safety
in all matters in which communication with Naval Officers
may be requisite or in any difference with Foreign Powers
such as lately occurred in reference to the
Island of San
Juan. Whether the "Governor in Chief" should be the senior
or be always the Governor of the larger Colony I am not quite
clear. Of course two salaries will be requisite, and they
cannot be less than £3000 each, but I
have no doubt they will
be readily granted by each Colony in return for the boon of
separate Governors, and
British Columbia must also provide a
Governor's house of moderate dimensions.
The Act for providing for the
Govt of
British Columbia
expires at the end of the present Session of Parliament. It
is therefore necessary to consider in connection with the
question of the future Constitution of the Colony whether fresh
Legislation is necessary, and if so what should be its provisions.
1. It might be renewed. 2. It might enact the details of a
new form of
Govt. 3. It might give power to
The Queen to
provide those details. The first I think very unadvisable.
The second would be liable to the objection of being unimprovable
in cases of early necessity and upon further information
except by another Act. The third seems to me the best, if
indeed any Act is at present necessary. The present Act
seems to me to give all the requisite powers to
the Queen,
and if we are prepared to pass an Order in Council before the
end of the Session I incline to think that legislation may be
dispensed with. On this point however I should be glad of
the opinion of
Sir F. Rogers.
I have not come to the conclusion that it is unadvisable
to give to
B. Columbia similar Representative Institutions to
those enjoyed by
Vancouvers Island without some hesitation. The contrast
is an evil in itself. I do not think however that the fixed population
is large enough to form a sufficient and sound basis of
Representation whilst the migratory element greatly exceeds
the fixed, and the Indian element far outnumbers both together.
Of landed proprietors there are next to none, and gold is the
only produce of the Colony. Legislation cannot with safety
be entrusted to Men who have no vested interest in the Colony
and those who have a stake in it as yet have but a small one
and are so few that they could not alone form a Constituency.
The number
of Men fit to be Representatives is proportionably
smaller. To commit the Legislation of the Colony to such
men would be to make the future prosperity of the Colony
subordinate to the local and personal interests of a few
Tradesmen in the Towns—or rather Villages, for I believe no
aggregate of houses except at
New Westminster exceeds the
number of 50 or 60—and even these Tradesmen in many instances
having little of the character of fixture in the Country.
The result would be frightful jobbing in that great essential
for the Colony—road-making—and the present impatience of
taxation which is seen throughout the Memorials and complaints
would
develope itself in the form of resorting to Loans for
every purpose of Public Expenditure. "Responsible Government"
for which the Memorial asks is simply ridiculous, and without
it the
Govt would fall into the hands of a Clique whose rule would soon be felt by the Colony
more obnoxious than that
of any Governor who could be selected. Every preparation for
a Representative form of
Govt should however be made, and
I should wish to see Municipal Institutions which have been
successfully given to
New Westminster extended to
Yale,
Hope,
Lytton,
Cayoosh,
Douglas, and
Alexandria.
The Question then is what
is to be the changes to be
effected at once? I would begin where we are now ending in
Vancouver's Island. I would establish an Executive Council
consisting of the 5 or 6 principal Officials of the Colony who
must reside at
New Westminster. All Acts of
Govt would
then be done by the Governor in Council. I would further
constitute a Legislative Council in which there should be an
infusion of the Representative Element. It should not
consist of more than 15 Members, of whom 5 or 6 would be the
same as the Executive Council, 4 or 5 Magistrates from
Cariboo
and other remote portions of the Colony, and
5 elected by the
Towns, one of them by
New Westminster, & the others by a
united Constituency of 2 or 3 of the other Towns. Before long
other Towns will spring up and will ask for Representatives.
I hope they will be given and thus increase the proportion of
Elected Members. When the population of fixed character has
sufficiently increased I should then hope that the Legislative
Council might be separated into two—the nominated members
remaining as the Upper House or Legislative Council, the
Elected Members with further addition to their Numbers
constituting the Lower
House or Legislative Assembly.
The Constitution of the two Colonies would then be
assimilated, and nothing would be wanting to their Union
but their own good will and an adjustment of the difficulty
of
Victoria being a Free Port and Customs duties being levied
at
New Westminster.
The Governor must lay before the Legislative Council full
statements of Expenditure and must initiate in it all money
votes.
I would at once make known that this Body is constituted
as a preliminary to the introduction of regular Representative
Institutions, and
am rather inclined to name some number of
inhabited house holders as requisite for that further change
with a view to the prevention of an immediate revival of
agitation.
If the Engineers were not about to be withdrawn, thus
leaving the Colony without any Imperial Soldiers, I would at
once introduce a stipulation that Military Expenditure should
be borne wholly by the Colony, but as matters now stand
perhaps it will be better not to touch the subject until
Troops are asked for.
I have but little to add respecting
Vancouvers Island.
I have suspended for a short time the Supplementary Commission
for constituting an Executive Council. It may now proceed,
as part of the changes about to be made.
In a paper which I subjoin from
Mr Maclure who lately
called upon me with a long Catalogue of the "grievances" of
the Island, four new Members are asked for for the Town of
Victoria. It is no doubt inadequately represented so far as
Population alone is considered, but I have no
doubt it supplies
many of the Members for the Country Districts though he says
they are mainly in the hands of the Old Servants of the
Hudson's Bay Company. Within the last few days a despatch
has been received saying that
two more Members have been
allotted to
Victoria. I think the
Secy of State ought
not to interfere in increasing the numbers of the Legislative
Assembly and would leave this question—especially now that
it has been increased—to local legislation, but his remarks
about the Legislative Council should be referred to the New
Governor.
I think the present opportunity should be taken to annex
Stickeen to the Colony of
British Columbia. I see no other
way of adequately providing for its Government without making
it a separate
Govt at the expense of the Mother Country,
which must be avoided.
—————
As regards the various grievances
contained in the Memorial
other than those of want of Popular Institutions, they mostly
resolve themselves into a demand for a New Governor. Such
are the complaints of want of Surveys, the expensive and
inefficient Roads, the management of the Lands, &c &c.
I think these must be left to be dealt with by a new Governor.
—————
I wrote privately to
Mr Douglas by the last Mail telling him that I should soon deal with the subjects treated of
in this
Minute,
and that I should when my plans were complete relieve
him of both Gov
ts. I made this as little unpleasant to
him as I could, and told him that when I wrote to him Officially
I would take every care to prevent his enemies having a triumph
over him.
—————
I circulate this to
Mr Blackwood,
Mr Elliot,
Sir F.
Rogers, and
Mr Fortescue, and court the fullest criticism from
all and each on the principle and details. It is an important
question and
I shall be gratified for any suggestions.
On this point I have no observations to make. If the
Duke of Newcastle adheres to his present opinion that
amalgamation is impossible (for which certainly there
appear to be conclusive grounds) nothing seems to remain
except to direct
Mr Gairdner to pass on at once the
Letters Patent constituting the Executive Council.
1;2.££
Stekeen Territory
There can I suppose by little doubt that this territory
should be annexed to
B. Columbia. But for this an Act
of Parliament will be necessary. The existing Act for
the government of
British Columbia defines expressly
the boundaries of that Colony and I apprehend those
boundaries cannot be enlarged without another Act of Parliament.
1;3.
Constitution of British Columbia
I will say at once that my own inclination is in favour
of the
old old fashioned Legislative Council, with one
modification.
I would in the first instance have a council say
one half of officials and half nominees—the nominees
being distinctly informed that they were only nominated
for a fixed period—say one or two years.
These nominees (as in Ceylon) should be so chosen
as to represent interests or localities, and the Council
should be in the first instance much short of its full
number, so that the Governor should have the power of
putting in fresh men, as different interests and localities
appeared to require a voice in the Legislature.
I think after a very short experience of this mode
of Government the Governor would be able to see more
clearly than we can now, how a satisfactory Legislature
could be composed—
whatwhat towns or districts should be
represented—how the Gold Fields should be represented—and
how the interests of Indians, Chinese, and season
miners could be best protected.
Then and not till then I should be disposed to adopt
in form and letter, a partially elective Legislative body
as proposed by the
Duke of Newcastle—with the further
view (as proposed by His Grace) of proceeding onward to
the normal two Houses.
My reason for this tentative method is the difficulty
of at once constructing such a Legislature as can be relied
on.
I find it difficult to obtain much detailed information
respecting the mode in which population is scattered over
the country. But the following supposition may at any
rate serve to illustrate our difficulty.
The unrepresented population
are are not I imagine less
than as follows:—
Scattered Indians—————say 10,000
Chinese——————————say 5,000
Miners (500 miles from N. West) 5000
(350 miles from N. West) 500
5,500
20,500
The
resident population which will comprize somewhat
more than the
represented population is probably short of
2000 persons scattered along the 500 miles between
New
Westminster and
Cariboo and along the 350 miles between
New Westminster
and
Rock Creek, and occupying, besides
New Westminster and the Diggings,
some half-dozen intermediate villages along these two lines.
A find of Gold here or there may at any time change
the relative importance of these different clusters of
residents, so that any distribution of the franchise as
between electoral districts
must be provisional. And the
coincidences or conflicts of interests which may exist
between residents and non-residents and between different
classes of residents has not yet been tested by any
political action. Therefore the assignment of qualifications
with a view to secure the representation of interests must
also be more or less provisional. Yet any grant of a
franchise once given can hardly be recalled, and so may
prove exceedingly embarrassing a very few years hence.
Those few years will make a great difference. The
progress of the Country is very fast, and the next Governor
will I suppose go out with the distinct function of feeling
his way towards constitutional or quasi-constitutional
government. If he chooses representative men for unofficial
members of his Council, and takes trouble to inform himself
about the wishes & habits of the population he ought soon
to be in a position to submit a definite and workmanlike
scheme of representation.
It may be some little reason for adopting this course,
that a mere Legislative
Council Council could be established at
once under the present Act, and the instrument could be
sent out in time to reach
B. Columbia before the end of
the present Session of Parliament when the present
British Columbia Act expires.
But it would be I should think quite impossible,
before that Act of Parliament expires, to set afloat a
Constitution involving an electoral machinery. A Constitution
therefore would involve the passing of an Act to continue
the present Act, and a consequent Parliamentary discussion.
However this may be raised even by the
Stekeen Act, or without it.
If the immediate adoption of an elective system is
decided on, it appears to me
1. that in some way or other the gold fields ought to be
represented (they are so in Australia) [marginal note: I annex a
recent N. Zealand Act].
2. that there would be some difficulty in bringing the
Magistrates away from their duties to sit in Council, unless
(which is very possible) Legislation were always to be
carried on in winter when there is comparatively
little little
white population in the Colony.
My own disposition therefore would be without delay to
pass an Order in Council under authority of 21 & 22 Vic. c. 99
S.S. 3—constituting a Legislative Council to be composed of
such persons as
the Queen, or Governor (provisionally)
might appoint. Such council not to consist of more than 15
persons.
To send this out to the Governor telling him that the
Council is in the first instance to be composed of 5
office holders and 5 persons so chosen as to represent
the different interests and feelings of the Colony and
Colonists; and that he will be at liberty, if he shall
think fit, to accept as such representative any person
suggested to him by a Municipal Corporation or even a
public meeting called at his desire and manifestly
representing the desires of any important locality—that
the persons so nominated must be considered as holding
Office only for a year (unless Her Majesty should
otherwise think fit) and that the whole arrangement is
to be viewed as provisional
and and preparatory. I would
state the reasons for this tentative mode of proceeding
in a manner calculated to make it acceptable to the
Colonists—the tenor of the communication being to
assure them that the object of the delay was not to
refuse representation, but to secure that the
representation should be just and effective.
It is to be observed—and I think is not a disadvantage—that
when Her Majesty has once exercised the power of giving
a Legislature it cannot be re-exercised without passing a
fresh Act of Parliament. This Circumstance will operate
as a gentle drag on the progress of Free Institutions, which
I should think desirable, considering that every year
diminishes the objections to the introduction of those
institutions in
B. Columbia.
But N.B. The Governor should either know before the
beginning of August whether the existing Act will be
continued, or should be invested with fresh powers of
government by Order in Council.
This subject, having reference to the exchange of the
Crown Lands for a Civil List, has in point of fact, been
mooted by
Governor Douglas only. This Office, feeling that
the time had not arrived for indicating its views or intentions
has hitherto remained silent whenever
Governor Douglas broached
the subject. But the decision of the
Duke of Newcastle to
place
Vancouver Island and
British Columbia under separate
Governors, and carry out a system of regular constitutional
Government in each of them necessarily imposes on this Office
the duty of investigating the materials we possess in order
to arrive at some definite conclusion as to the wishes of the
Inhabitants of
Vancouver Island for the acquisition of the
Crown lands—as to the present and prospective value of that
Estate and as to the amount of the Civil List which the Crown
would on its surrender be justified in requiring.
It appears that up to the beginning of
1859 Governor
Douglas had been in the habit of drawing on the Hudson's Bay Company
for such funds as were necessary for carrying on the Government
of
Vancouver Island; but that, when a certain progress had been
made towards the repurchase of that Island by the Crown, the
Company declined to make any further
advances advances. Under those
circumstances
Governor Douglas having applied for instructions,
and having been informed that he must provide for the expenses
of the Colony out of local resources announced various measures—such
as an extension of the franchise & an enlargement of
the House of Assembly—preparatory to an application to the
House to make the necessary provision. He reported that the
Legislature would doubtless make an urgent appeal for the
control and entire disposal of all monies arising from the
sale of Crown Lands and other sources of revenue; and begged
to know, as soon as convenient, whether H.M.'s Government
would sanction such an arrangement, the Colonial Legislature
undertaking to defray the expense of a Civil List. No answer
was returned to this request: but in the Session of
1860 1860 an
Act was passed appropriating salaries to the Governor, Chief
Justice, Colonial Secretary, Treasurer, Surveyor General and
Attorney General in which a proviso was introduced
that the salaries aforesaid shall not be paid out of, or charged
upon the revenue aforesaid (i.e. the general revenue) until the
entire revenue of the Colony of
Vancouver Island and its
dependencies, and the control of the public lands situate
within the said Colony shall have been placed under the control
of the Legislature.
A similar provision was also inserted in the Appropriation
Act for defraying the expenses of the public departments.
The Session of
1861 produced appropriation Acts similar in
amount, and with the same provisos as were contained in the
Acts of
1860. The
Governor Governor wrote as follows with regard to the
Acts of
1861.
The sum of £3200 was voted to meet the Civil List Salaries, namely,
The Governor .............. £800
Chief Justice ............. 800
Colonial Secretary ........ 500
Treasurer ................. 400
Surveyor General .......... 400
Attorney General .......... 300
subject to the proviso that the entire revenue of the Colony,
whether derived from taxation, or sales of Crown lands,
shall be placed at the disposal of the Colonial Legislature.
That sum is however, admittedly inadequate to maintain the
Chief Officers of an important Colony in a respectable
position, and would not fairly represent the relative
importance and responsibility of the
Offices they hold.
The House would not I believe, have objected to a more
liberal Civil List, had I been in a different position, but I
did not think it expedient to ask for a larger sum on behalf
of
Vancouver Island than is allowed by H.M.'s Government for
the support of the Civil Establishment in
British Columbia:
and another motive for exercising the most rigid economy,
which had great weight with the House, was the fear of
imposing a burden upon the Colony greater than it is at
present capable of supporting; a reason which ought to have
its proper influence and consideration; but I would nevertheless
submit that there should be no formal surrender of the Crown
Revenues to the Colonial
Legislature Legislature until it has made a
sufficient provision for defraying the cost of Her Majesty's
Civil Establishment according to another scale which I propose
to bring forward at the next Session.
The sum of £3207 was voted for defraying Departmental
Expenses, with the same restrictive proviso as to the payment
of the amount out of the general revenue of the Colony.
The appropriation Act for the service of 1862 contained
the same provisos as were inserted in the Acts of 1860 and
1861.
No notice has been taken by this Department of the provisos
in the above mentioned Acts. It has doubtless been understood
in the Colony that the Crown was not in a condition to enter
upon
any any discussion relative to a surrender of its Lands in
exchange for a Civil List until the negotiations with the
Hudson's Bay Company had been completed: and the Colony has
probably been willing to wait the convenience of H.M.
Government. Enough, however, has been elicited from the
successive stipulations in the Appropriation Acts to prove
that the wishes of the inhabitants of
Vancouver Island, as
expressed by their chosen representatives, are
unmistakeably in favor of having the Crown Lands made over to
them, in exchange for a Civil List. As that point is
ascertained it will not be necessary for me to touch upon
the expediency of complying with their wishes. The experience
of the past, and the sentiments which, I believe, I am not
incorrect in ascribing to the
Duke of Newcastle on this subject,
lead me to the assumption that His Grace views
with with favor the
proposed exchange. If I am right it becomes only a question
of what is the value of the Crown Lands the Government has
to surrender—what shall be the amount of the Civil List
which should be asked for in exchange—and when is the fitting
time for the negotiation.
As to the present value of the Crown Lands I find
that in 1860 the sales produced £4576. In 1861 and 1862 we have
received no definite information from the Governor on the point.
As to the
prospective value of this property it is
impossible to predicate what it will reach. It has been
calculated that in an area of 12 million acres in
V.C.I.
there are about one million acres of cultivable land;
and and
about 100,000 acres either purchased or pre-empted. It is
not to be supposed that the price of Crown Lands will remain
very long at the present rate of 4
s/2
d an acre. The rapid
material advance of
Victoria, arising from its propinquity
to a gold producing Colony—the existence of a free port—the
Naval Harbor of
Esquimalt and head quarters there of the
Naval Squadron—the possibility of telegraphic and postal
communication with
Vancouver Island, via
the continent of
British North America, are strongly in favor of the supposition
that this Colony will become a favorite one for settlers,
and that land will much increase in price. If therefore in
1860 the revenue derived from Crown Lands reached upwards of
£4500, I think we may venture to assume that this year it
will have produced 5 or £6000
N.B. In an enclosure to the Govrs desph of the
4 March/63 The Crown Land Sales are estimated at
nearly £5000. The amount netted it £4500.
and that in a few years time it
will arrive at a much larger figure. But we have so little
data for forming an opinion on this point that it would seem
to be unavoidable for this Office still to postpone a final
settlement on the subject until a new Governor shall, after
enquiry on the spot, have procured the requisite complete
information.
I should suppose, therefore, that at a suitable moment
the new Governor would be empowered to announce that H.M's
Government will agree to exchange the Crown Revenues in
return for a reasonable, but sufficient Civil List, which
should be settled either for a term of years or for a
permanent period. It should be insisted upon that the
right of initiating Money Votes should be vested in the
Government. This
restriction restriction affords some security against
the improvidence and jobbery which too frequently occur in
Colonies. When
Mr Merivale was considering in
1860 the
question of surrendering the Crown Revenue in
Vancouver
Island in exchange for a Civil List he expressed his views
in a Minute which I cannot do better than transcribe:
My inclination on the whole would be to transfer the
property on the following conditions.
Defraying all the Civil Establishment.
And certain Military expenses, to be fairly settled
beforehand.
Provision that H.M's Vessels and Military Departments
should have at all times ensured to them a supply of coal
free of cost (or under advantageous terms to be settled by
the Governor).
Perhaps
Perhaps, reservation of any discovery which may be
made of Gold deposits? though I do not see much use in
this.
The terms sketched by
Mr Merivale would appear to be
reasonable enough but if the Colony should be called upon
to defray a portion of the Military expenditure it will
complain unless
British Columbia is also made to contribute:
Vancouver Island will truly say that
British Columbia will
benefit as much as she does by the protection of the Military.
For the present I should think it would be sufficient to
require that the Colony keep up such barracks as may be
necessary for the exigencies of the service. I suppose it
would not be fair nor possible to ask the Colony to erect
barracks.
As
As for the reservation of Gold or other Mines I think
that to insist on the Crown's retention of them will only
lead to future disputes with the Legislature.
It is unnecessary to furnish any minute account of the
Constitution conferred upon
British Columbia by the Act of
Parliament passed in
1858
Act 21 and 22 Vict. C. 99 annexed.
because it is well known. The Governor and Council, or
Council and Assembly were made the Legislature. As no
Council has been created nor Assembly summoned the Governor
has hitherto issued Proclamations which, on being confirmed
by
by
the Queen, have the force of law. The expiry of the Act
of Parliament having rendered it necessary to legislate
afresh, opportunity is taken to make alterations in the
Constitution of
British Columbia some changes having been
urgently prayed for by parties in the Colony. The
discoveries of gold—confirmed by careful research—have
at once elevated
British Columbia into a Colony of great
value and importance and have attracted a numerous, though
not a settled
population population.
Gov. D. says
2/April/61/ that
the population of
B.C. is about 10,000 persons. The native
Indians number about 20,000.
As a revenue, which amounts
to upwards of £100,000 per annum, is now raised in the
Colony, it is natural to give to a country which promised
so well and performed so largely, a more liberal form of
Government.
Gov. D. reports in despt.
10/April/63/ that
the yield of gold in
B.C. (in
/62, I presume,) is roundly
estimated at five million dollars or £1,041,666.
It being however considered impossible at this moment to unite
the two Colonies into one it has been decided to make the
following arrangement.
Instead of having one Governor presiding over
Vancouver
Island and
British British Columbia, the two Colonies are to have
separate Governors, with separate Civil Establishments.
A Legislative Council not exceeding 15 in number is created,
See annexed despatch of 15 instant.
which council is to consist of 1/3
rd of Public
Officers, 1/3
rd of Magistrates from different parts of
the Colony, and 1/3
rd of persons elected by the residents
of different electoral districts. It is left to the Governor
to determine the period for which (subject to H.M's pleasure
which involves
a a practical power of dissolution) the
Councillors should be appointed. By this simple machinery
a system of virtual tho' imperfect representation is introduced
which will pave the way to a more complete representative Government.