10 Augt 1858
Sir,
To the Right Honorable
Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, MP,
Her Majestys Principal Secretary of State for the Colonies
&c &c &c
As the Aborigines Protection Society have for many years taken a deep interest in
the welfare of the Indian tribes to the west as well as the east of the
Rocky Mountains I am instructed to address you on certain matters affecting not only the rights and
interests but the very existence of the numerous Indian population of the new Colony
of
British Columbia. It appears from all the sources of information open to us that unless wise and
vigorous measures be adopted by the Representatives of the British Government in that
Colony the present danger of a collision between the Settlers and the Natives will
soon ripen into a deadly war of races which could not fail to terminate, as similar
wars have done on the American Continent, in the extermination of the red man.
The danger of collision springs from various causes. In the first place it would
appear from
Governor Douglass's dispatches as well as from more recent accounts, that the Natives generally entertain
ineradicable feelings of hostility towards the Americans who are now pouring into
Frazers and
Thompson's rivers by thousands, and who will probably value Indian life there as cheaply as
they have unfortunately done in California. The reckless inhumanity of the gold diggers
of that State towards the unfortunate Indians is thus described in a recent number
of the
New York Times:
"The Country is perfectly wild, and a dense forest, full of warlike Indians, and with
the well known injustice of the Miner towards anything of the genus Indian or Chinaman,
and their foolhardiness, they will get up a series of little amusements in the way
of pistoling and
scalping quite edifying. It is the custom of Miners generally to shoot an Indian
as he would a dog, and it is considered a very good joke to shoot at one at long shot
to see him jump as the fatal bullet pierces his heart; and when in the spirit of retaliation
some poor hunted relative watches his opportunity and attacks, a straggling white
man, the papers at once teem with long accounts of Indian outrages; and yet the men
that shoot down these poor Indians are not the ruffians we are let to suppose are
always the authors of atrocities but the respectable sovereign people brought up in
the fear of God by pious parents in the most famed locations for high moral character.
The Indian and Chinese murders are more frequently committed by men brought up in
the quiet country villages of Eastern States, and who return looking as innocent as
lambs. There never yet existed so bad a set of men on the face of this fair earth
as a certain class of the highly respectable sovereigns of the States who find their
way to the frontiers. It is much to be rejoiced at that the
Frazer River Indians are of a serious turn of mind, and can't take a joke, and in their ignorance
of the sports and pastimes of the great American Nation may deprive some of the practical
jokers of their 'thatches.'"
The necessity which is imposed upon Her Majesty's Government to adopt measures to
protect the Indians against this class of diggers is too obvious to require any further
illustration or argument on our part.
But there is another aspect of the question which is of equal importance. The Indians
being a strikingly acute and intelligent race of men are keenly sensitive in regard
to their own rights as the aborigines of the Country, and are equally alive to the
value of the gold discoveries, no better proof of which could be furnished than the
zest and activity with which large
numbers of them have engaged in gold digging.
Governor Douglass states that in the earlier stages of the gold discoveries they endeavoured to expel
the Settlers who were then few in number, and to obtain possession of the fruits of
their labour; but he also states that while manifesting a determination to reserve
the gold for their own benefit they yet respected the persons and property of the
Whites. Other accounts describe the Indians as "quiet and peaceful" but state that
"as soon as a miner lays down his pick an Indian stands by to make use of it for himself,
and when he lays down the shovel for the pick the Indian takes the shovel and relinquishes
the other implement." They are further described as having learnt the full value
of their labour in proof of which it is stated that they now charge $5 to $8 a day
instead of $1 for their services as boatmen in navigating
Thompson's and
Frazer's rivers.
As, therefore, the Indians possess an intelligent knowledge of their own rights and
appear to be determined to maintain them by all the means in their power, there can
be no doubt, that it is essential to the preservation of peace in
British Columbia that the Natives should not only be protected against wanton outrages on the part
of the white population, but that the English Government should be prepared to deal
with their claims in a broad spirit of justice and liberality. It is certain that
the Indians regard their rights as Natives as giving them a greater title to enjoy
the riches of the Country than can possibly be possessed either by the English Government
or by Foreign adventurers. The recognition of Native rights has latterly been a prominent
feature in the Aboriginal Policy of both England and the United States. Whenever
this principle has been honestly acted upon peace and amity have characterized the
relations of the two races, but whenever a contrary
Policy has been carried out, wars of extermination have taken place and great suffering
and loss, both of life and property, have been sustained both by the Settler and by
the Indian. We would beg therefore most respectfully to suggest that the Native title
should be recognized in
British Columbia, and that some reasonable adjustment of their claims should be made by the British
Government.
The present case resembles no common instance of white men encroaching on the lands
and rights of aborigines for hunting or settlement. It more than realizes the fabulous
feuds of Gryphons and Aremaspians and no ordinary measures can be expected to overcome
the difficulties which duty, and interest require to be removed if
British Columbia is to become an honourable or advantageous portion of the British dominions. It
would seem that a treaty should be promptly made, between the delegates of British
authority and the Chiefs and their people as loyal just and pacific as that between
William Penn and the Indians of Pennsylvania but that more stringent laws should be made to ensure
its provisions being maintained with better faith than that was carried out on the
part of the whites. No nominal protector of Aborigines, no annuity to a petted Chief;
no elevation of one Chief above another will answer the purpose. Nothing short of
justice in rendering payment for that which it may be necessary for us to acquire,
and laws framed and administered, in the spirit of justice and equality can really
avail. To accomplish the difficult but necessary task of civilising the Indians and
of making them our trusty friends and allies it would seem to be indispensable to
employ in the various departments of Government a large proportion of well selected
men more or less of Indian blood (many of whom could be found at the
Red River )
Being of tribes wholly different & unacquainted even with the language of the Fraser
river people, they could be liked to them by other Europeans. [
HM].
who
might not only exert a greater moral influence over their race than we could possibly
do, but whose recognized position among, the whites would be some guarantee that the
promised equality of races should be realised. The adoption of these or, similar
measure would, we believe, propitiate the goodwill of the Indians, and instead of
obstructing the work of Colonisation they might be made useful agents in peopling
the wilderness with prosperous and civilised Communities of which they one day might
form a part.
I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your obed
t Servant
F.W. Chesson
Secy
Minutes by CO staff
Mr Merivale
Fortunately
Sir Edward Lytton has not omitted the interests of the Indians in his consideration of the numerous
topics arising from the formation of this new Colony; and I think the writer might
be so informed. It would probably be desirable to send the Governor a Copy of this
letter, and again enjoin upon him the utmost protection which can be afforded to the
Indians. The attention of the Legislature, when constituted, should be also immediately
directed to this subject.
Lord Carnarvon
I would acknowledge civilly & do nothing more. These gentlemen are well meaning—at
least many of them—& they represent a common & healthy British feeling; but the worst
of it is that "protection of aborigines" has become with them a technical profession.
They
may see, or pretend to see, two sides of a case; consequently their practical suggestions,
when they make any at all (which, I must do them the justice to say, is very seldom)
are of a character which would probably cause some astonishment to people on the spot.
I cannot think this a letter of which a copy would be serviceable to the Governor.
Acknowledge with civility, & I think it might be expected to send a copy to the govr 1st to strengthen his own hands with regard to the Natives 2dly to shew in Parlt that the subject has not been neglected by us.
Other documents included in the file
Draft,
Carnarvon to
Chesson,
1 September 1858, acknowledging receipt and informing him "that the welfare and interests of this
race have not been lost sight of in the instructions which he [
Lytton] has given to the Governor."