Tennent to Merivale (Permanent Under-Secretary)
Office of Committee of Privy Council for Trade
Whitehall
18 September 1858
Sir,
The Lords of The Committee of Privy Council for Trade desire me to
call the attention of the Secretary of State for the Colonies to certain
circumstances in connexion with the New Settlements of Her Majesty on the
Western Coast of North America, which as they threaten to retard the
commercial prosperity of New
Columbia Columbia, and to place British interests
in a disadvantageous position in the important Department of shipping;
point to the expediency of a renewed attempt to induce the Government of
the United States to relax the existing policy in relation to her
coasting trade.
The sudden impulse which has directed a current of immigration to
the
Frazer River and to
Vancouvers Island necessitates a large resort of
shipping, not alone for the Conveyance of passengers, but for the import
of the manufactured
necessaries necessaries of life, and the transport of the
products of
New Columbia. The present probabilities point to an
increased demand of this nature, and the future prosperity of the Colony
will mainly depend on the prompt and continuous supply of means of
communication with Europe, and the great Sea-bordes of the Pacific and
Atlantic.
The maritime policy of the United Kingdom, whilst in 1854 it threw
open unreservedly the Coasting Trade of Great Britain to the flags of all
Nations, observed
a a due consideration for the independent action of the
Colonies, by reserving to their respective legislatures, the power of
retaining their own coasting trade exclusively for the British Flag, or
of throwing it open when they should deem it expedient to the shipping of
all nations. The latter course has been taken, by some of our Colonies
east of the
Cape of Good Hope; but generally speaking, the Colonial
Coasting trade; including that of
Vancouver's Island and
New Columbia, is
still to be regarded as closed against all but
British British Vessels.
On the recent development of enterprize in these settlements, and
the unexpected influx of Colonists to which it gave rise; neither British
nor Colonial Shipping was to be found in their Ports, adequate to meet
the emergency. Hence, as My Lords are informed, the Officer
administering the Government has adopted the expedient of permitting
American Ships to take part in the Coasting Trade on condition of
their seeking a licence from the Colonial Authorities.
In
In the propriety of this course their Lordships entirely concur; as
tending at once to assist the independent rights of the Colonists, and at
the same time to provide for the commercial requirements of the period,
by facilitating the temporary access of foreign shipping upon ascertained
conditions.
But although this state of affairs cannot be regarded as permanent,
and it is naturally to be hoped and expected, that British enterprise
will exhibit its wonted energy in the new British Colonies; and that
within a reasonable time the
British British flag will make its appearance in
these waters; it has been forcibly represented by the Shipowners
Association of
Liverpool,
and My Lords cannot but concur in the apprehension expressed by them,
that for some time to come the Shipping interest of Great Britain will
take up its position under circumstances so disadvantageous as compared
with their American rivals, as seriously to discourage the resort of our
own flag to the
Frazer River.
The grounds of this apprehension are connected with
the the geographical
position of California, the nearest organized State on the route between
Europe and
New Columbia. American shipping on the Californian Coast can
with ease and profit extend its operation as far north as
Vancouvers
Island; and should it on this line encounter opposition from British
Ships, it will exhibit the preponderating advantage of being privileged
to supplement its trade, by touching on its northward voyage at every
American Port in succession
from from
San Francisco to the
Frazer
River—whilst a British Ship on the same track would be confined to a
single departure, and excluded by American
Law
from all trading operations at intermediate stations. A Competition,
carried on under circumstances so unequal, presents few attractions to
British Shipowners, and it is to be feared that without some concessions
on the part of the United States, the shipping of that Country may for
some time to come enjoy a practical monopoly of the carrying Trade in
Goods to
and and from one of the most promising British Colonies.
My Lords direct me in further elucidation of this case to call to
the attention of
Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton an aggravation of the
difficulty arising from the severance of
New Columbia, and its erection
into a distinct Colony apart from
Vancouvers Island. By the existing
laws of the United Kingdom, a voyage from one British Colony to another,
however contiguous, is not held to be "coasting", so that at present
there is nothing in the legislation of
the the two Colonies, to impose any
restriction on American Ships trading between
the Island and the main
land, a voyage which is at this moment the most important in that region.
But it is important to remember that by the 328
th Section of the
16
th & 17
th Victoria
C107
it seems to be competent for Her Majesty by Order in Council on joint
addresses from the Legislatures of any two or more neighbouring
possessions, to place the trade between them on the footing of a Coasting
trade.
My Lords have brought these circumstances to the notice of the
Secretary
Secretary of State for the Colonies, with a view of suggesting to
Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton the propriety of considering in conjuction with the
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, the best mode of renewing with
the United States, the communications opened in
1854, with a view to some
relaxation in their laws regarding Coasting. In
March in that year the
Earl of Clarendon, on the occasion of the passing of the law by which the
Coasting trade of Great Britain was thrown open to Foreign flags,
addressed a Circular
Despatch
to Her Majesty's Ministers
abroad abroad, calling their attention to the fact,
and directing them to invite the various Governments to which they were
severally accredited, to reciprocate the advantages yielded on our part
unconditionally.
Sir J. Crampton in his approaches to the Ministry at
Washington, was met by
Mr Marcy who was their Secretary to the
Treasury, in a spirit, which although unfavourable as to the prospect of
immediate action, was not without encouragement as regarded the hope of
future results.
Mr Marcy stated that so far as his "own individual
opinion went, he concurred
in in thinking that the reciprocal throwing open
of the Coasting Trade in both Countries would be mutually beneficial,"
but he added that "he would be misleading
Sir J. Crampton were he to say
that there was any reasonable chance of the measure being adopted by
Congress at this time. We shall come to it (said
Mr Marcy) I have no
doubt, and perhaps sooner than is generally expected; but not now, as
there would be a great majority in both houses against such a measure."
Some months later in
September1854 1854 Sir John Crampton acquainted
Lord Clarendon that during the negociation of the Reciprocity Treaty, a
Member of the Senate was strongly in favour of embracing that opportunity
to throw open the Coasting trade of the United States to the British
flag; and was only deterred from proposing it formally, from the fear of
checking, by premature defeat, a feeling which was gaining ground in
America, and especially in the Southern States in favour of such a
measure.
From that time to the present My Lords have received no
further further
communications on this subject in relation to the United States, but it
will be for Her Majestys Government to decide on the propriety of
resuming the negociation, provided any reasonable grounds exist, for
believing that the progress of opinion predicted by
Mr Marcy has not
been impeded by any subsequent events.
My Lords would suggest, that however averse the American Government
might be found to entertain the proposal in its entirety, of removing
every impediment from the Coasting Trade of the States
universally, universally,
motives might possibly be applied that would induce them, even partially
to relax, the stringency of their present legislation.
The immediate object of solicitude is the Coasting Trade of the
Pacific, and it is not beyond the bounds of possibility, that the
legislature of the United States, finding that by
law
What law? Do they mean laws to be enacted? [
HM.]
they are excluded from the rising trade of
New Columbia, and are admitted
to it pro tempore only on sufferance, might be disposed in return for a
free participation in it, so far to
relax relax their own prohibitory system as
to admit the British flag to the Coasting trade of California. It would
also be well that the Government of the United States were made aware
of the existing law to which I have before adverted, by which it would be
competent for Her Majesty, on addresses from
New Columbia, and
Vancouvers
Island, to place the trade between these two possessions on the footing
of a Coasting trade; and thereby to exclude the Americans from
the voyage from
the Island to
Frazer River.
Should
Should the Government now or hereafter evince a disposition to yield
in this matter, the Coasting trade of the States, on the Atlantic would
be no disproportionate equivalent for that of Canada, the
St. Lawrence,
and the Lakes.
I am further directed by their Lordships to call to the attention of
Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, a point, which in the absence of official
information, is involved in some uncertainty—namely; how far the
carriage of passengers coastwise is
comprised comprised in the Statute Law of the
United States, which prohibits the Coasting trade in
Goods.
Land Board might know. [
Abd.]
By the Constitution of the States, the Supreme Government at
Washington
exercises the right of framing laws, "to regulate commerce with foreign
nations and amongst the several States." But it appears to have
been held that
Persons, not being subjects of commerce, and not
being imported Goods; they do not fall within the meaning founded upon
the constitution of a power given to Congress, "to regulate commerce."
(See
Peters Public Statutesat at large of the U.S. of America. Vol 1 p.
13.
w.)
Hence the question arises, although by the
Navigation
Act of the United States, (Ibid Vol. III p
351)
it is enacted "That no goods wares or merchandize shall be imported
under penalty of forfeiture thereof from one Port of the United States to
another Port of the United States in a Vessel belonging wholly or in part
to a subject of any foreign power" whether this prohibition extends to
the carriage of passengers or whether
there there is any other law of the
States for so extending or construing it.
The importance of this enquiry, in connexion with the Stream of New
immigration now flowing in the direction of New
Columbia,
I do not quite see the importance of the [minute?] on this
score.
HM.
will be apparent to the Secretary of State for the Colonies; and in
bringing the subject under the consideration of the Foreign Department,
specific information on this point should be solicited through Her
Majestys Minister at
Washington.
Minutes by CO staff
Mr Merivale
Would it be expedient to ask the Land Board if they can furnish us with
any information as to the carriage of passengers on the Coasts of the
United States as regulated by U.S. Law, & having got such inf
n, or
none as the case may be, then refer this Letter to the For: Office with
the expression of such opinion of
Sir E. Lytton on the subject in
general as he may think it right to convey.
Other documents included in the file
Draft,
Elliot to
E. Hammond, Foreign Office,
9 November 1858,
forwarding copy of letter for observations and suggestions and warning
that such policy would impact unfavourably on colonial interests.
Draft,
Merivale to
J. Booth, Board of Trade,
9 December 1858,
forwarding copy of letter to Foreign Office and reply thereto,
20 November 1858.
Minutes by CO staff
Lord Carnarvon
As far as resuming negociations with the U.S. Gov, the question can of
course be pressed on the Foreign Office.
But the rest of this letter touches on very delicate ground indeed.
It is not a subject on which I can presume to advise. But it is easy to
point out the important consequences—Parliamentary and public—to which
the policy here indicated by the Board of Trade will lead you.
That policy is neither more nor less than a return to the
old system of "encouraging" the British shipowner by throwing
difficulties in the way of the American shipowner.
Or—to put it in another form—of inducing the Americans to relax
their restrictions against us by imposing restrictions on them.
It is admitted by the B
d of Trade that the Americans enjoy great
natural advantages towards carrying on the coasting trade of
Vanc. I.
&
B. Columbia.
That is—to put the same truth in other words—that British
colonists in those parts get their commodities somewhat cheaper by
employing American shipping, than they could by employing British
shipping.
This advantage the Bd of Trade would deprive them of, for the
good of British Shipowners.
The immediate & practical question is this:
Vanc I. &
B. Col. being
distinct colonies as yet, the trade between them is not a coasting trade.
But if the Legislatures of the two colonies
will unite in addressing the
Crown, then the trade can be declared a coasting trade, and the Americans
shut out.
I do not quite see
why the
Vanc. I legislature—which, small
as it is, is a free one—is to unite in an Address, the result of which
must be increased dearness of commodities to their own constituents,
if it be true that British shipping is at a disadvantage
compared with American, which is the fundamental assumption.
Possibly however the influence of
Governor Douglas & the Company
(which I presume would be too happy to cooperate in a measure giving a
bonus to its own shipping) might persist.
It is however for
Sir E. Lytton's serious consideration, whether
he thinks this step advisable.
This is a matter of the most serious importance and I think the
Board of Trade is narrow in its views & not quite correct in its law.
Mr Merivales minute puts the question in its true theoretical ground.
Nevertheless the Liverpool Shipowners are a powerful body & backed by the
B
d of Trade will necessitate some respect. Send copy of their letter
to F.O. with a letter, containing
Mr M's comments, but suggesting
that if application be made to the U.S. it does not seem necessary nor
prudent to intimate the retaliatory measures of shutting them out
if they dont let us in. And it would never do, to make the annexation
of
Vancouver to the Mainland which may probably take place on other
grounds, appear to the Americans a punishment to them. The Board of
Trade seems to me to be growing very senile in its political and
economical views and its present letter is twaddle.
People in this document
Blackwood, Arthur Johnstone
Booth, James
Carnarvon, Earl
Clarendon, Earl
Crampton, John Fiennes Twisleton
Douglas, Sir James
Elliot, Thomas Frederick
Hammond, Edmund
Lytton, Sir Edward George Earle Bulwer
Marcy, William Learned
Merivale, Herman
Tennent, Sir James Emerson
Victoria, Queen Alexandrina
Places in this document
British Columbia
Cape of Good Hope
Fraser River
Saint Lawrence River
San Francisco
Vancouver Island
Victoria
Washington City