Mr Fortescue
The amount concerned in this letter is trifling. It is
merely an excess of £152 beyond the sum of £1,800 which
Parliament has granted for the expenses of the Assay Office.
But I must draw your attention to the three last
paragraphs of the letter.
You are aware that at the end of his letter of the
27th
of February,
Mr Peel said that although Parliament is expected
to grant for the Royal Engineers in
British Columbia this year a sum
of of £7,200, we were to instruct the Governor that he would
not be at liberty to draw more than £300 of that amount for the
purposes for which it is voted by Parliament; the rest would
be wanted to settle the Treasury claim for specie sent out last
year to the value of £6,900.
In the last paragraph of our answer of the
22nd of March
we indicated, in the mildest and most considerate manner, what
appeared the obvious objection to this proposal. In fact we
hoped that the mere statement
of of it in plain language would
suffice to show that it had been made in haste and without
seeing it's true nature.
But our remark has been put aside without notice. In
the same letter we also offered to the Treasury the suggestion
that some definite course should be adopted about the arrears,
on purpose to avoid the dilemma in which
Mr Peel has very
correctly pointed out that the Colonial Government will
otherwise be placed. Without taking any notice of this proposition
either,
Mr Peel has printed the Colonial Estimates with no
provision
for for
Columbia except for the current services of
the year, has left our letter entirely unanswered, and now
persists in his former announcement about forbidding the
Governor's drafts, as if not a word of objection to that course
had ever been submitted to the consideration of the Treasury.
Now I do not wish to exaggerate, and I must therefore
ask leave here to make a short digression. Wherever there is
a Treasury Chest, it answers the purpose of a sort of Banking
Establishment for Imperial transactions; and in that case the
simplest
mode mode of adjusting accounts is that a Governor shall
pay into the Chest any money which is owed to Great Britain by
the Colony, and shall draw out of it any money granted to the
Colony by Great Britain. But it so happens that in
Bish Columbia there is no Treasury Chest; the Governor has no
direct means of paying a debt to the British Treasury except
by remittance to England, which may at times be difficult
or expensive. If then the amount at issue be small, and if it
be perfectly clear that the Governor can punctually pay from
local
local funds the services for which Parliament has provided,
there would be no harm in his discharging a debt to the
Treasury by curtailing to that extent his Drafts against the
money voted by Parliament. The Treasury, if I may so put it
by way of illustration, owes the Royal Engineers and others a
certain sum in
B. Columbia, the Governor owes the Treasury a
certain sum in England, if he can pay their debt in the Colony,
he may discharge in that way his own debt to them in England.
But then I submit that this
is is only applicable to amounts
which the Colonial Treasury is quite sure to be able to furnish.
In case of the smallest risk that the Soldier's pay voted by
Parliament was falling into arrear, it would be the bounden
duty of the Governor to draw bills for the required amount,
and the bounden duty of the Treasury to pay the Bills. If on
the contrary, as
Mr Peel continues to threaten, they were
to refuse the Bills in order to use the funds for satisfying
other claims which Parliament has never heard of, I must with
great deference submit that the Treasury would be
guilty guilty of a
misappropriation of the public money, and of a signal infraction
of the principles laid down by recent Committees of the House
of Commons on Public Monies and the Public Accounts.
No one can impute to a great Department the intentional
commission of such an irregularity. But habits of distrust, a
contempt for the information and opinions of others, and above
all a passion for contradiction, may betray into errors which
would never be fallen into under less self willed modes of proceeding.
I am exceedingly anxious not
to to do injustice to the
Treasury, and I have used every endeavour therefore to enter
into their mind. They do not propose, it will be observed,
to charge all the Governor's former over-drafts against this
year's vote, but only the value of the specie sent to him
last year, together with the present petty excess in the cost
of the Assay Office. It has struck me as possible therefore
that they may treat the coin as something
sui generis,
and may have in their mind some such reasoning as follows:
Parliament voted a certain sum, the Governor at his own request
has
has received part in specie, he is only entitled therefore to
draw the balance of the vote in bills, and any drafts beyond
that balance are justly liable to refusal. Now this reasoning
might have been valid if the Treasury had thought proper to
refuse his overdrafts for the past year. The measure would have
been harsh and impolite, but it would not have been inconsistent
with the votes of Parliament. But that year being closed, I
contend that any excess of money which the Governor obtained
becomes at once a debt and cannot affect the votes for
future future
services. If the Treasury took the view which I have above
described, they ought to have expressed the
British Columbia
Estimate somewhat as follows:
For the Royal Engineers £7,200
Deduct for money already supplied
to the Governor in specie
6,900
Sum to be voted by Parliament £ 300
But they said nothing of the kind, nor do I suppose that
the
Duke of Newcastle would have ever consented to their thus
placing the pay of the Troops for next year in even a
semblance of jeopardy. They have asked simply
for for £7,200
to pay the Soldiers in the year now current, and to £7,200
the Soldiers are accordingly entitled.
Without consuming further time in proving that the course
proposed by the Treasury is wrong, it may be allowable now to
pass to the more important question what course will be right.
For this purpose it will perhaps be thought appropriate to
inquire 1
st what are the Governor's resources, 2
ndly
what are his liabilities to this Country, 3
rdly (as I must
add, although the Treasury have dismissed in silence our
Official statement of
that that question) from which portion of the
liabilities, if any, Parliament may reasonably be asked to
relieve the Colony, 4
thly what instructions should be given
as to repayment. In order to dispense with a search through
numerous detached papers, I will endeavour to bring together
in this minute, for the use of yourself and the
Duke of Newcastle, the
facts which supply the elements of these different questions.
1. The Governor reckons his Revenue for
1862 at £90,000.
To show that this is no under Estimate, I offer the
subjoined subjoined Table:
Revenue of
1859 Actual £47,125 Blue Book
1860 D
o £53,326 Parly: Pap: p. 57
1861 Estimated but Parl
y Pap: p. 64 with
confirmed by the omission of balances &
receipts of the borrowings. The 3 Quarters
first 3 quarters 63,368 are supplied in 2070.
1862 Estimated 90,000 Parl: Paper p. 64
The Governor has reckoned on 50 per cent more than received
in any previous year.
As to Expenditure he provides for all charges of a fixed
nature, and devotes whatever is to spare, to "Roads, Streets
and Bridges." The amount this year is £31,750 [marginal note:
Parl: Paper p: 64]. If he
realizes the large increase of revenue on which he has
calculated, calculated,
£31,750 represents the portion which is disposable for general purposes.
2. Such being his resources and calculations, the following
are the demands which have since arisen:
Colonial Moiety of total Expenses of the Royal
Engineers imposed in the Colony by recent
instructions dated the 27th of February 1862 11,000
Value of specie supplied from England 6,900
Excess in the cost of Assay Office 152
Overdrafts of former years for the Royal
Engineers [Col: Off: to Treasury 22 March 1862] 22,026
£40,078
Deduct available Monies £31,750
The specie itself 6,000
38,650
Deficiency £1,428
The Colony will be insolvent.
But 3
rdly the
Duke ofNewcastle Newcastle pointed out to the
Treasury that there was a material distinction in the past
overdrafts for Royal Engineers. One portion, amounting to
£10,704, was for roads, bridges and surveys, and evidently
ought never to have been charged except to the Colony. The
other portion, amounting to £11,322, was for the pay,
sustenance and movement of the Engineers, and for this sum
the Duke suggested that application might be made to
Parliament. His Grace pointed out that in order to enable
the Colony to succeed in defraying the intended liberal
Share of it's future
Military Military expences, it was only prudent to
avoid burthening it with past claims which might defeat the whole plan.
To this the Treasury have not favored us with an answer.
4
thly The course which I should venture to suggest
would be, that the Colony should be required to pay the
following items this year:
Moiety of cost of Royal Engineers 11,000
Value of the Specie 6,900
Remaining cost of Assay Office
152
£18,052
This would leave the Governor an
available available sum of £13,698 out
of the amount on which he has hitherto calculated, of £31,750.
Next year I would propose that he should pay:
Moiety of cost of Royal Engineers £11,000
Past over Drafts for the Royal Engineers 10,704
£21,704
It is more than probable that by that time there will be
other debts to this Country for him to adjust.
I cannot but think that if we obtain the foregoing
repayments from the Governor we shall have done as much as
can
be be expected, and that it would be good policy, and not
unfair, to submit to Parliament hereafter a vote for the other
excess of £11,322 which the Royal Engineers have cost in past years.
It will not escape you that the success of this or any
other plan must depend on the facilities allowed to the
Governor for obtaining money. Even had he possessed an
intact surplus of upwards of £31,000, he was anxious to
borrow £20,000 more for roads; and in case he caused the
amount to be expended with integrity you
were were prepared, I
think, to believe that it would be a judicious outlay. The
more that we wish him to make repayments to England out of
his current Revenue, the greater is the reason to allow
of his raising small loans on the spot if he can. But here
again we are met by the Treasury. They have peremptorily
objected to his borrowing money while he is receiving aid
from home, which aid as you are aware consists of the
Governor's Salary (granted to some twenty other Colonies)
and of only half the total of Military expenditure on the
place. Under the
Duke ofNewcastle's Newcastle's direction I am
preparing the draft of a letter asking the Treasury to
reconsider the case. But they are very hard to persuade.
Indeed one of the harassing things in their mode of
action is that they take no comprehensive view, and hence
will sometimes conflict with themselves. Thus in the
present instance they insist on the one hand upon the
Colony's repaying the last farthing which can be charged
against it, and they object on the other hand to the
Governor's borrowing any assistance to his revenue which
is
is wholly inadequate to these demands. So long as they are
but refusing what others propose, they seem to think that
they must be safe, but occasionally this lands them in
inconsistencies. I do not see that they ever attempt to
solve a difficulty, much less to confer a benefit. They
never supply a plan of their own. It is upon us that they
vindicate their originality because as soon as we have said
one thing, they always say the contrary.
This however is a digression for which I ought to
apologise,
apologise upon their general mode of doing business. I have
submitted above a practical course for consideration; should
it meet with approval, I do not say that we may not so far
concede to their view as to give the Governor an
option of paying part of his debt by curtailing to that extent his
drafts on the Treasury, but I think that this could only be
done with strict instructions that his first duty is to issue
punctually at the right moment the pay to the Royal Engineers,
and that if any want of local funds
should should produce the least
difficulty in that respect, it would be his duty immediately
to draw, as far as necessary, Bills upon the Treasury rather
than keep the Troops without the pay which Parliament
has been pleased to provide for them.
Duke of Newcastle
Mr Elliot's full & searching statement places this
whole case before you. Between the culpable over-drafts of
the Governor on the one hand, and the Treasury's mode of dealing
with us, on the other, there is enough here to try all Colonial
Office tempers. As to
Governor Douglas, without
objecting to
Mr Elliot's plan for the settlement of the arrears (as put
to the Try
22nd March) I think it goes to the very limits
of leniency, and that the Gov
r's attempt to throw upon us
the task of persuading Parl
mt to pay for road & bridge making in the
Colony, under the guise of Military expenditure, is intolerable.
I must add, that the system under wh. such overdrafts as
these can take place must be very unsound. It ought, one wd.
think, to be first clearly defined, in any particular case,
whether the Imperial Govt intended to undertake the charge
of a particular service or transaction, in which case any
under estimate wd. be made good by Parlmt, or whether it
was only intended that a front should be made by Parlmt
towards the expenses of such service, in which case any excess
of cost should, as a matter of course, fall upon the Colony.
With respect to the Treasury, the kind of answer to
their present letter proposed
by
Mr Elliot seems the right
one. I would refuse to give such instructions to the Governor
as they require—that is, I would make them understand that
the money to be raised for the Royal Engineers must be
available and used for the Royal Engineers, if necessary.
While the
Govr might be instructed, as a matter of
convenience & economy, in settling accounts to refrain, if
possible, from drawing upon the Parliamentary vote, so that it may
go to pay for the Specie, thus setting off the one debt against
the other. I would also point out to the Try. in very distinct terms
their entire omission to notice our letter of the
22nd March.