M Fortescue
I have no design to ask you and
M Cardwell to
take the trouble of considering whether we should enter
into a controversy with
the Treasury on this subject.
We have not done so yet, although the contrary might
be imagined from the terms of their letter. I would
beg leave however very briefly indeed to recall the
leading facts of the case.
Sir James Douglas drew Bills very heavily in excess
of the amount granted by Parliament for
British Columbia.
Some of those Bills, amounting to about £11,300, were
for the pay and allowances of the Royal Engineers, others,
amounting to £10,700, were for works and buildings and
surveys on which they had been employed.
The The
Duke of
Newcastle recommended
the Treasury to obtain a Vote from
Parliament for the former, but to require repayment of
the latter.
The Treasury assented; and it is perfectly
true therefore that this course was agreed upon by both
Departments in the year
1862.
But in the year
1864, a new Governor having gone
out to the Colony, submitted new facts. He said that the
buildings for which he understood the repayment to be
chiefly claimable, were of little value, and he quoted
precedents of transferring better Barrack's to richer
Colonies gratuitously. We thought it only fair to
consider how far the new facts gave reason for a
new new
decision, and we sent them on with our impressions to
the Treasury, but pointedly treating it as a matter for
their own judgement: "
M Cardwell would be very glad
if their Lordships should feel at liberty to waive
&c &c." They refuse, and stand on the original intention.
As this is the case, our course is simple: we must
instruct the Agents to pay the money out of the first
proceeds of the Loan (or if instructed already, we
must remind them), we must apprize the Governor of the
failure of his appeal, and must tell
the Treasury what we have done.
There is no practical subject for controversy. But
on
on one point I must beg to let you and
M Cardwell
have an explanation.
The Treasury say that one statement
in our letter is incorrect; I will give it in our own
words—These fabrics "have long been built and their cost
defrayed, and the only question is whether the Colony
should be forced to repay the amount." This is what the
Treasury call incorrect. Now what are the facts?
Governor
Douglas drew Bills in order to defray the alleged cost of the
several public Works, and obtained cash for those Bills
in
British Columbia from the Treasury Chest, and his
Government has ever since been called upon for repayment
to
the Treasury. No one ever
suggests suggests that he did not
make the original payments with the cash he obtained for
the purpose. What
the Treasury must really mean is that
they themselves have not been paid, but this of course we
knew and admitted, since the very question put to them was
whether or not they would forego repayment. Whilst
therefore I do not a bit want to re-argue the merit of
that suggestion, I assert that our statement was perfectly
accurate, and that
the Treasury contradiction of it is not
owing to a better knowledge of the facts, but to a
confusion of ideas.
M Cardwell
M Elliot's meaning was, of course,
clear enough. But
it is also true, as the Try. letter says, that the advance,
if not repaid by the Colony, must be repaid by a Vote of
Parl. The provoking part of
the Treasury letter is
the way in wh. it treats
Gov Seymour's representations
as deserving of no attention at all. To me they seem
very weighty on behalf of the Colony. They amount to this;
that a Colony wh. is now costing the Imp.
Gov nothing
for its military defence, & has lately suppressed an
Indian insurrection at its own expense, is to be required
to repay the cost of temporary barracks, erected for the use
of troops wh. were sent out by the Imp.
Gov and since
withdrawn. But you will judge whether it is worthwhile
to carry the controversy with the Try. any further.