The Colonial-office has got an ugly character for suppressing and
garbling the documents it may be obliged to present to parliament. The
copy of the correspondence between
Earl Grey and the
chairman of the
Hudson's Bay Company, authenticated by the signature of
Mr. Hawes, which
has been printed by order of the House of Lords, will not
re-establish
the character of the office on this ticklish point. In the course of
the correspondence
Earl Grey expressed a doubt as to the competency of
the company to receive a grant of land under their charter. Instead of
consulting the crown
lawyers, and acting upon their opinion on this point, as was the duty of a minister,
Earl Grey promised the company to
grant their request, provided they could produce an opinion of the crown
lawyers in their favour. By this means he threw a good fee in the way
of these learned
gentlemen, and relieved them from the responsibility of
advising the crown while emitting an opinion upon which the crown was sure to act. This is
a
It is here insinuated that the Crown lawyers had an extra
fee—this is not the fact—the Comp Solicitor drew the case,
and the usual fee was paid on it and nothing more
parenthesis: what we would at present direct attention to, is the fact that the company feed the
crown lawyers, that the opinion was
given and transmitted to the
Colonial Office, that
Mr. Hawes thereupon
wrote to
Sir J.H. Pelly that
Earl Grey "is now ready to receive and confirm the draft of such a grant as the company would
desire," and that in the copy of the correspondence transmitted to and published by
the House of Lords,
the opinion is suppressed.
In any circumstances, such a suppression of an
essential document
would have an awkward look; it is particularly unlucky in the present
case, for even the meagre documents furnished by the
Colonial Office,
irresistibly awaken suspicions of complicity and
collusion between the
Hudson's Bay Company and the Colonial-office. On the part of the
office, the
correspondence betrays a strong desire to gratify the
company, checked by misgivings, first as to the legality of the
transaction, and next as to the safety of
complying with their
exorbitant demands to the full
extent. In the end, however, a compromise is made between conscience and appearances by
which the
company really obtain all they want while the office contrives to get up
a show of refusing something.
The first application of the company was to be "confirmed in the
possession of such lands as they may find it expedient to add to those
which they already possess." This, which in a subsequent letter that
paragon of modesty
Sir J.H. Pelly calls a "very limited grant of
lands," would be neither more nor less than leave to take as much as the
company pleased, though it were the whole of the yet uncolonised
portion
of British North America. But the grasping spirit of the company did not stop here:
finding the
Colonial-office in a yielding mood,
Sir J.H. Pelly, on
being invited to
transmit a draft of such a grant as the company would require, bluntly
asked for a grant of exclusive jurisdiction as well as of proprietary
rights over the whole of the enormous extent of territory that lies to
the north of the United States boundary line and Canada. "If her
Majesty's ministers should be of opinion that the territory in question
would be more conveniently
governed and colonised (as far as it may
be practicable) through the
Hudson's Bay Company, the company are willing to undertake it, and will be ready to receive
a grant of all the
territories belonging to the crown which are situated to the north and west of
Rupert's land." A draft of a grant conveying territorial
sovereignty and proprietary right over this huge region was transmitted
along with this condescending offer: the draft, like the opinion of the
crown council, has been suppressed by
Mr. Hawes, in his return of papers
to the House of Lords.
This was rather too much even for our good-natured Secretary of
State for the Colonies. In an interview with
Sir J.H. Pelly he
delicately intimated to that gentleman that "the proposal he had made
was too extensive for her Majesty's government to entertain." The
company, in consequence of this hint, limited their request to a grant
of
Vancouver's Island alone. But the Colonial-office cannot plead that
it was
deceived by this affected moderation.
Sir J.H. Pelly frankly told
Earl Grey that the additional territory he had asked was inaccessible, except through the company's
territories from the east, or
from the western seaboard, and he as frankly expressed his
dislike to
the idea of different parts of it being "colonised under different
authorities." The avowed object and wish of the company was to keep the
whole of the vast region of which they had asked a grant in their own
hands. The grant made to them, which embraces
Vancouver's Island, and
all the islands on the west coast of America, from the Russian boundary
on the north to the United States boundary on the south, renders the
whole of the rest of the territory originally asked by the company
inaccessible except through the company's possessions, unless it is
approached from the
Russian or American territories. If the company
have not got all the land they asked for, they have got the power of
impeding the access of others to it, and that will suit their purpose
quite as well.
The
Colonial Office have done no such thing — the legislature has
authorized the Crown to make grants of
[…] exclusive trade with the
natives, & under that authority the
Hudson's Bay Company have
the right of excluding all British subjects until May
1859 — therefore the Hudson's Bay Comp may be considered the
best channel for colonization, as should it fall to anyone
[…] else
their interests would jar — but it is not asked for —
The Colonial-office have
de facto made the Hudson's Bay
Company sovereigns of the whole of that part of North America which is
situated north of the United States boundary and Canada, with the
exception of the strip of land on the N.W. coast occupied by the
Russians. It has granted them a charter, which recognises their title
to the eastern part of the
territory, and makes them masters of all the
straits which lead to the west coast, through the islands which form a
barrier to that coast. And it has a bill ready to be brought into
parliament to withdraw the country newly granted from the civil
jurisdiction to which it is at present subjected, and to substitute new
courts of justice, in the appointments to which the
Hudson's Bay Company
will have a voice
potential.
The greater part of British North America has been placed at the
absolute disposal of the
Hudson's Bay Company.
a — By Parliamentary enactment.
The Colonial Minister
pretends that this has been done to accelerate and impart greater regularity to the
settlement of the region. The pretext will not hold water.
b — Let him prove it, if he can.
The
Hudson's Bay Company is, by its constitution, an anti-colonising body, and its
uniform policy, since it was called into existence under Charles II., has been to prevent
settlement in its territories. Every
possible impediment has been thrown in the way of all British subjects
seeking to penetrate into them. When the North-Western Fur
Company was formed in Canada, its agents were repeatedly attacked by the armed
agents of the
Hudson's Bay Company. c
c The Act of Parliament is passed for this very object. (1 & 2 Geo
4. Cap 66). […]
Both before and since the amalgamation of the two companies all traders not connected
with the corporation have been prevented from trafficking
with the Indians, and no Europeans but a few retired servants of the
Hudson's Bay Company have been allowed to form settlements in the
country. The most jealous care has been taken to conceal from the
public what goes on in this region. But facts have nevertheless
transpired which show that the company's rule has been as fatal to the
inhabitants as it has been obstructive to
English commerce. Their sole objects have been to keep the merchandise they send thither
at high
monopoly prices, and to prevent the Indians from becoming agriculturists
instead of hunters. Unchecked by any enlightened public opinion, or by
any efficient control on the part of the directors, the great body of
their agents have indulged in a wanton exercise of
arbitrary power over
the Indians, and in habits of the grossest licentiousness with regard to
the intercourse of the sexes. The publications of
Mackenzie,
Cox, and a
few others who have penetrated into their territory, show the extent to
which club-law prevails among the whites and
bois-brûlés (or
half-bloods), and the gross immorality which prevails in respect of the
Indian women. The Hudson's Bay
Company have kept their territories as
inaccessible as the Jesuits kept Paraguay, but there all resemblance
between the sway of the
mercantile and of the priestly monopolists ends. The Jesuits kept their Indians in a state of
constant pupilage which
unmanned them, but they taught them habits of industry and domestic
purity. The agents of the
Hudson's Bay Company have discouraged settled
habits among their Indians, and communicated to them the worst vices of
civilised society without its redeeming qualities. And to a body whose
rule
has been productive of results so baneful has the Colonial Minister
given up the far greater part of our North American possessions in
perpetuity for a yearly rent of 7s. We say in perpetuity, for the only condition upon
which the grant can be
voided is the company's failing to make a settlement of resident
colonists from any part of the British dominions in five years. A
show
settlement will easily be made.
The legality of the grant may fairly be questioned. It is true
that an opinion of the law officers of the crown was submitted to the
Colonial Secretary before the grant was made; but the tenor and terms of
that opinion have been kept secret, and the manner in which it was
obtained is suspicious. On the other hand, it may fairly be argued that
ever since a fixed civil list was granted to the crown in lieu of its
land revenues, it is not in the power of the crown, or its ministers, to
confer grants of crown lands either upon companies or individuals
without the
concurrence and sanction of parliament. Certain it is that
the charters of
New South Wales, South Australia, and New Zealand, all
rest upon acts of parliament. The New Zealand company obtained its
lands in consideration of the moneys it had expended for colonising
purposes. In these circumstances we hold that we are warranted in
maintaining that the free grant of
Vancouver's Island to the
Hudson's Bay Company by the crown, having been made without the concurrence and
sanction of parliament, is invalid. If this view is correct, the
colonial minister by whose advice that grant has been made has
perpetrated an act at once impolitic and unconstitutional. When Lord
Lincoln again brings this clandestine and impolitic transaction under
the notice of the House of Commons, we trust he will not fail to ask a
decision upon its legality.